A very happy birthday to HIH the Grand Duke George of Russia

Screen Shot 2018-03-19 at 9.31.15 AM.png

The 37th birthday of HIH the Grand Duke George was noted by supporters around the world this week.

The Grand Duke was honored with molebens in Russia, in Europe, and in the United States by friends and supporters. 

See information about Russian commemorations here.

See how the Grand Duke was honored in the United States here.

Read more about the celebrations here.

The Russian Imperial House released a statement on Facebook from His Imperial Highness thanking all well-wishers for their prayers and letters of congratulation.

The Russian Legitimist expresses its sincere condolences to H.M. Queen Margrethe II of Denmark and to the Danish Royal Family

 /* Style Definitions */
	{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
	mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
  Grand Duke Wladimir, Head of the Russian Imperial House from 1938 to 1992, with Prince Henrik of Denmark

Grand Duke Wladimir, Head of the Russian Imperial House from 1938 to 1992, with Prince Henrik of Denmark

The Russian Legitimist expresses its sincere condolences to H.M. Queen Margrethe II of Denmark and to the Danish Royal Family on the passing of the Queen’s consort, Prince Henrik of Denmark, on February 13, 2018.

Russians, whether living in the motherland or in the emigration, can evince nothing but the greatest respect for the Danish Royal House.  It was the Danish Royal House that gave refuge and protection to Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna of Russia during her last sad years of exile.  It was in Denmark where her funeral was held in 1928 and where her remains rested temporarily, until they could be buried in St. Petersburg next to her husband.  And it was in 2006, with the approval and assistance of Queen Margrethe II, that the remains of the Dowager Empress were returned to Russia for burial in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

The Head of the House of Romanoff and the Tsesarevich mourn the loss of life in the tragic plane crash near Moscow

2018-02-11. The Head of the House of Romanoff and the Tsesarevich mourn the loss of life in the tragic plane crash near Moscow

The Head of the Imperial House of Russia, H.I.H. the Grand Duchess Maria of Russia, and H.I.H. the Heir, Tsesarevich, and Grand Duke George of Russia, are filled with sorrow over the loss of life in the crash of the passenger airliner near Moscow today. 

Their Imperial Highnesses pray for the repose of the souls of the passengers and crew who perished in this tragic accident, and express their deepest condolences to all the victims’ family and friends.

Christmas and New Year Greetings from the Head of the Imperial House



The Head of the Russian Imperial House, H.I.H. the Grand Duchess Maria of Russia, and H.I.H. the Heir, Tsesarevich, and Grand Duke George of Russia extend their heartfelt thanks to all their countrymen and to friends of Russia around the world who have sent holiday greetings, and likewise they in return send greetings for a Merry Christmas and Happy New Year in 2018, wishing everyone good health, happiness, spiritual strength, and God's help in all their endeavours.

Grand Duchess Maria also warmly thanks all those who have sent birthday greetings.

The Grand Duchess and the Grand Duke express their fervent hope that, in commemorating in the coming year the 100th anniversary of the martyrdoms of the Holy Royal Passion-Bearers, of other executed members of the Imperial House of Russia, of their loyal servants, and of all victims of revolutionary terror and violence, we will constantly call to mind the immortal words of the Holy Royal Passion-Bearer Emperor Nicholas II, uttered by him while under arrest:   “Evil will never be defeated by evil.  Only love can defeat evil.”

On July 11, 1929, the Head of the House of Romanoff, Emperor-in-Exile Kirill Vladimirovich, together with the First Hierarch of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad, Metropolitan Antony (Khrapovitsky), established the custom of officially commemorating the memory of the martyred Imperial Family, declaring July 4/17, the day of the regicide, a “Day of Universal Sorrow of the Russian People.”

After the Holy Church glorified the murdered members of the Imperial Family as saints, this Day of Sorrow was transformed into a Church Feast Day, which is celebrated with a joyful and happy feeling, as are the Feast Days of other martyrs and passion-bearers of previous eras, the faithful fervently believing that, by their sufferings for Christ, the Holy Royal Passion-Bearers have been granted victory over godlessness, hatred, and falsehood, and have been given the gift to intercede for Russia before the very Throne of our Lord.



Глава Российского Императорского Дома Е.И.В. Государыня Великая Княгиня Мария Владимировна и Е.И.В. Государь Наследник Цесаревич и Великий Князь Георгий Михайлович сердечно благодарят всех соотечественников и иностранных друзей России, направившим им поздравления, и со своей стороны поздравляют их с Рождеством Христовым и Новым 2018 Годом, желая всем здоровья, счастья, и помощи Божией во всех благих делах.

Великая Княгиня Мария Владимировна также благодарит всех, приславших поздравления ко Дню её рождения.

Государыня и Цесаревич выражают глубокое убеждение, что отмечая в этом году 100-летие мученического подвига Святых Царственных Страстотерпцев, других казнённых членов Российского Императорского Дома, их верных служителей и всех жертв революционного террора и насилия, мы должны неизменно помнить бессмертные слова св. Императора Николая II, переданные им из заключения: "НЕ ЗЛО ПОБЕДИТ ЗЛО, А ТОЛЬКО ЛЮБОВЬ".

11 июля 1929 года  Глава Дома Романовых в изгнании Государь Император Кирилл Владимирович вместе с Первоиерархом Русской Православной Церкви Заграницей Митрополитом Антонием (Храповицким) положил начало официальному почитанию памяти замученной Царской Семьи, объявив день цареубийства 4/17 июля "Днем всеобщей скорби русских людей". 

После прославления Святой Церковью убиенных членов Императорской Фамилии в лике святых этот день из "Дня скорби" превратился в Праздник, который подобает отмечать со светлым и радостным чувством, как и дни памяти мучеников и страстотерпцев прежних эпох, свято веря, что своими страданиями за Христа они одержали победу над безбожием, ненавистью и ложью и получили дар предстательства за Россию у Престола Господня.


1924: "Who Shall Be The Emperor of Russia?"

Screen Shot 2017-12-30 at 1.19.02 PM.png

Below is the link to the text of an extremely rare legitimist booklet published in English in 1924 by the Union of Russian Legitimist Monarchists.  Among other things, it contains a declaration by Grand Duke Kirill as Guardian of the Russian Throne.  The declaration is dated 23 March/5 April 1924, some five months before Grand Duke Kirill announced on 31 August 1924 that, there then being no doubt that Emperor Nicholas II and his son had been killed, he had duly succeeded as Emperor of Russia in exile.  One interesting aspect of Grand Duke Kirill's declaration is its pointed criticism of the former commander of the Russian Army, Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolaevich, for his anti-legitimism, which sowed doubt and division within the emigration.  This historical text will be of interest to students of the Russian legitimist movement in the years immediately after the White defeat in the Civil War.

For the full text, CLICK HERE

Head of the Russian Imperial House Attends the Funeral of King Michael of Romania

Vechnaya Pamyat! (Eternal Memory!)

HM King Michael of Romania!

Condolences to HM Queen Margareta,

Custodian of the Crown of Romania!

 The "Steel Crown" of the King of Romania rests upon the catafalque during the funeral ceremonies in Bucharest.

The "Steel Crown" of the King of Romania rests upon the catafalque during the funeral ceremonies in Bucharest.

The Russian Legitimist notes with sadness and enormous respect the passing in December 2017 at age 96 of His Majesty King Michael of Romania, Orthodox monarch and believer, patriot, courageous anti-fascist, committed anti-communist, and devoted husband and father.  His role in European history spanned nearly a century – he first became King in 1927, and he last addressed the Romanian Parliament in October 2011, at the time of his 90th birthday.  He was one of the two last living heads of state from World War II, both Orthodox kings, the other being His Majesty King Simeon of Bulgaria.

 First row, left to right:  Queen Anne-Marie of Greece, the Prince of Wales, Queen Sofia of Spain, King Juan Carlos of Spain, Grand Duke Henri of Luxembourg, Queen Silvia of Sweden and (ear showing) King Carl Gustaf of Sweden.   (Reigning royal houses, plus somebody who had once reigned:  Queen Anne-Marie of Greece.)  Second row, left to right:  The heads of dynasties that no longer reign:  the head of the Russian Imperial House (Grand Duchess Maria), the head of the Austrian-Hungarian Imperial House (Archduke Karl), the head of the Portuguese Royal House (Infante Dom Duarte), the Crown Princess of Serbia, and the head of the Serbian Royal House (Crown Prince Alexander of Yugoslavia).

First row, left to right:  Queen Anne-Marie of Greece, the Prince of Wales, Queen Sofia of Spain, King Juan Carlos of Spain, Grand Duke Henri of Luxembourg, Queen Silvia of Sweden and (ear showing) King Carl Gustaf of Sweden.   (Reigning royal houses, plus somebody who had once reigned:  Queen Anne-Marie of Greece.)

Second row, left to right:  The heads of dynasties that no longer reign:  the head of the Russian Imperial House (Grand Duchess Maria), the head of the Austrian-Hungarian Imperial House (Archduke Karl), the head of the Portuguese Royal House (Infante Dom Duarte), the Crown Princess of Serbia, and the head of the Serbian Royal House (Crown Prince Alexander of Yugoslavia).

 The sisters, Princess Marie and Victoria Melita of Edinburgh, later Queen of Romania and Russian Empress in Exile.

The sisters, Princess Marie and Victoria Melita of Edinburgh, later Queen of Romania and Russian Empress in Exile.

The close ties between the Romanian Royal House and the Russian Imperial House stretch back generations.  Queen Marie of Romania (1875-1938) (born Princess Marie of Edinburgh, Princess of Great Britain and Ireland) was King Michael’s grandmother.  As she was a granddaughter of both Emperor Alexander II of Russia and Queen Victoria, Michael’s descent from Queen Marie linked him to both the Russian and British dynasties.


Queen Marie of Romania was closely connected with three successive heads of the Russian dynasty:  she was the first cousin of Tsar Nicholas II, the sister-in-law of his successor Grand Duke-Emperor Kirill of Russia, and the beloved aunt of the latter’s son and successor Grand Duke Wladimir of Russia. 

 The young first cousins once removed, Prince Michael of Romania and Grand Duke Wladimir of Russia.   

The young first cousins once removed, Prince Michael of Romania and Grand Duke Wladimir of Russia.


Kirill’s consort, Grand Duchess-Empress Victoria Feodorovna (1876-1936) (born Princess Victoria Melita of Edinburgh, Princess of Great Britain and Ireland) was the inseparable lifelong best friend of her sister, Queen Marie.  Victoria Feodorovna’s son, Grand Duke Wladimir, Head of the Russian Imperial House from 1938 to 1992, was a first cousin of King Carol II of Romania.  Carol II’s son King Michael and Wladimir’s daughter Grand Duchess Maria of Russia were second cousins.

 King Michael of Romania and Grand Duchess Maria of Russia.

King Michael of Romania and Grand Duchess Maria of Russia.

Grand Duchess Maria participated in the joyous 90th birthday celebrations for His Majesty King Michael in Bucharest in 2011.  On December 16, 2017, she had the sad duty, as Head of the Russian Imperial House, to be again in Bucharest to attend the funeral of and pay her respects to her recently departed cousin.

Upon the death of King Michael, his eldest daughter Crown Princess Margareta succeeded as head of the Romanian dynasty, with the title and style of Her Majesty Queen Margareta, Custodian of the Crown of Romania.  This is in accordance with the revisions to the Romanian dynastic laws implemented by King Michael in 2007.  In instituting these new house laws, King Michael was certainly influenced by the example of his great-uncle Kirill, who in 1924 took the successive titles of Guardian of the Throne of Russia and then Emperor of Russia, with the predicate of Majesty.  At the same time, Kirill’s chancellery announced that he would only use the imperial title among fellow Russians but would continue to use his grand ducal title among non-Russians.

 The Royal Guests at the funeral of HM King Michael of Romania,

The Royal Guests at the funeral of HM King Michael of Romania,

Eternal Memory!  May His Majesty King Michael rest in peace.

The Russian Legitimist responds to a criticism of Grand Duchess Maria's call for national reconciliation in Russia

 Paul "Kulikovsky"

Paul "Kulikovsky"

On November 9, 2017, Interfax "North West" carried an article about Mr. Paul Kulikovsky, whose great-grandmother was a member of the Russian Imperial House.  The article quoted Mr. Kulikovsky as stating that descendants of the Romanov family should not participate in any events marking the centenary of the Russian Revolution. 

The article also referred to Mr. Kulikovsky as “the representative of the Romanov family.” 

Mr. Kulikovsky is entitled to his point of view, but surely he only represents himself.  He does not even speak on behalf of the Kulikovsky family, let alone the Romanov family.

Mr. Kulikovsky’s comments may have been meant as a criticism of the statement calling for national reconciliation that the Grand Duchess Maria, Head of the Russian Imperial House, recently issued.  The Grand Duchess Maria has for many years stressed the importance of national reconciliation within Russia. Since succeeding as head of the Russian dynasty in 1992, the Grand Duchess has also made numerous trips to countries that once formed part of the Russian Empire.  During her visits, she has emphasized the historical and cultural ties that link these many countries to Russia.  Her comments have always been non-political and very much in line with the message of the Russian Orthodox Church.  


The efforts of the Grand Duchess to further reconciliation are in some ways similar to the efforts of her cousin Queen Elizabeth II to build ties between Great Britain and its former colonies. One thinks, for example, of the wreath which, during her state visit to Ireland in 2011, Her Majesty placed at the memorial for those who had fought against Britain for Irish independence.

 HIH Grand Duchess Maria at the  pannikhida  for all victims of the Revolution and  litiya  for the Imperial Family

HIH Grand Duchess Maria at the pannikhida for all victims of the Revolution and litiya for the Imperial Family

The Russian Legitimist believes that the Head of the Russian Imperial House has struck exactly the right note in her recent statement about reconciliation.  She obviously has every right to speak on behalf of the dynasty, because she is its head.  For his part, Mr. Kulikovsky apparently said that “we” do not intend to use the anniversary “to draw attention to our personalities.”  It is unclear to whom his pronoun “we” refers.  It cannot include the Grand Duchess Maria, who (we trust) has no need of his advice.  And it cannot include the Romanov family, because he is neither a member of this family nor is he closely related to it. 

Maybe it is the “royal we”.  If so, his using it would inevitably draw attention to his personality, something he doth protest so much against.






The Head of the Russian Imperial House Makes a Statement on the Centennial of the Revolution

from the Head of the Imperial House of Russia,
H.I.H. the Grand Duchess Maria of Russia,
on the 100th Anniversary of the Russian Revolution of 1917

Screen Shot 2017-11-06 at 12.30.26 PM.png

Dear Countrymen,

The year of the 100th anniversary of the Revolution of 1917 is drawing to a close.

As we approached the date of this anniversary, discussions in the public about the dramatic events of a century ago have increased and intensified. In 2017, the discussion of the Revolution and its consequences assumed a particularly emotional character. Along with an effort to provide an accurate and fair assessment of what happened in Russia in the 20th century, sometimes, unfortunately, there were also attempts to open old wounds and to sow again the seeds of dissension among our people.

Our understanding of any historical period should be based not on one or another party ideology, but on the system of spiritual and moral values that took shape during the long course of Russian history. If we truly want to understand the reasons and results of the internal troubles and bloody battles in our country’s history, it is all the more important for us to make the effort to see beyond one or the other side in the conflict.

The Russian Imperial House, by God’s grace, never took part in the fratricidal Russian Civil War. But it bears its own measure of guilt for the fact that the Revolution took place at all in Russia. And it had to go through much the same expiatory sufferings that millions of its countrymen had to endure. For the Holy Royal Passion-Bearer Emperor Nicholas II, his family, and other members of the dynasty who remained in Russia, this meant martyrdom, and for those who ended up abroad, this meant the harsh bitterness of separation from their homeland, grief for their relatives and friends who perished or disappeared without word, and privation and poverty.

So, indeed, our dynasty has much for which it must repent, and, at the same time, one can also see the injustice and cruelty that were delivered to it and to it supporters and friends.

But I, not in any way wanting, even inadvertently, to be among those who fan the flames of the Civil War, have decided to issue this Address on the 100th anniversary of the Revolution, not on some other day connected to the outbreak of violence and the tragedies of that troubled time, the memory of which casts a long shadow over our consciousness, but on November 4, when all citizens of Russia celebrate the Day of National Unity: a day when millions of Orthodox faithful raise their prayers to the Mother of God on the feast day of Her holy and miracle-working Kazan Icon; a day when we all recall glorious and unifying events of our national history—the victory of the Volunteer Army of Kuzma Minin and Prince Dmitrii Pozharsky in 1612, and the assumption by Peter I the Great of the title of Emperor in 1721.

On this bright holiday, dedicated to peace and harmony, I want to share with you my feelings that issue not only from my head but, before all else, from my heart.

One cannot change the past. But it is within our power to learn from the mistakes of the past and to do everything we can so that our nation never again is divided into irreconcilable warring sides. 

First, we all, regardless of the differences in our views, must recognize that the Revolution was a shared tragedy. Was there an alternative to revolution? Who is most responsible for the Revolution? Why did one side win and the other side lose? Were there more losses or achievements for Russia as a result of the Revolution? These are all questions that will be asked and debated for a long time. But one can never see it as a good thing when children kill their parents, and when parents kill their children, and when brother and sister exterminate each other.

The Revolution had political, social, and economic causes. However, the main cause of the Revolution, I believe, was a profound spiritual crisis. At that time, our people and a significant part of all humanity were disillusioned with the entire traditional system of values—not only with the traditional values in monarchy, but those in religion, the family, and in many other spheres of our lives.

The historical state structure of Russia was destroyed not because it had powerful opponents (though these opponents did play a role in events), but largely because its defenders were too indifferent and divided.

If the entire nation had been united and resolute, and if its leaders had had firm principles and had acted for the sake of the common good, no domestic revolutionaries or foreign powers would have been able to rock the stability of the government. 

It should be acknowledged that the élite in the Russian Empire were unable at that time to find an adequate and acceptable answer to the aspirations of the people for reform. The Revolution, unfortunately, was by no means an accident caused by some momentary convergence of circumstances, but was an inevitable catastrophe, which happened as a result of a combination of historical causes, which were building over many years.

The Revolution developed in Russia in progressive stages, even with all the ethnic diversity in the Empire. The opposition and moderate revolutionaries, who had removed the Emperor from his throne in February 1917, were unable to hold on to power. They plunged the nation into chaos, and in October they were in turn replaced by the most radical of the revolutionary parties, which had promised to fulfill all the people’s hopes and aspirations, and embarked on a grandiose experiment to erect a fundamentally new world order. 

This experiment was founded on the utopian idea of a perfectly just and equal society, a kind of “earthly paradise.” But no matter how outwardly beautiful and appealing such ideas are, they are utterly unattainable, and attempts to realize them in practice always turn to disappointment and disaster.

That is precisely what happened in Russia. The hopes for a world-wide revolution were never realized, and the attempt to create communism in one country was also a failure. The Communist regime was compelled to act in conditions that were determined by life itself, not by armchair philosophies and party theories. 

In the Soviet period, we observe a tension between two basic realities: the implementation of a totalitarian, materialistic ideology, and the attempt to resolve the kinds of real and practical problems that any government of any political persuasion confronts. These two realities in their dialectical relationship and in their contradictions determined more than anything else the way of life of the people of our country over the course of more than seven decades. 

On the one hand, party dogma and the implementation of that dogma by the government in the USSR were woven into a complex knot, and it is impossible to tease them apart. On the other hand, these were nonetheless two very different factors working in two very different directions—one artificial and imposed from above, the other organic and issuing from the necessities of the life of the people.

The Heads of our House in exile certainly understood the distinction between these two factors.

My grandfather, Emperor-in-Exile Kirill Vladimirovich, as early as 1922 began to formulate a model for national reconciliation, founded on the healing of the antagonism that existed between the Reds and the Whites. Addressing directly the participants on both sides of the Russian Civil War, he insisted that “there are not two Russian armies! On both sides of the front lines there is only a single Russian Army, selflessly devoted to Russia, to its centuries-old foundations, and to its time-honoured objectives. It will save our much-suffering Homeland.”

Emperor-in-Exile Kirill Vladimirovich categorically rejected the idea of any White revanche, and sharply condemned the plan of many leaders of the emigration to return to Russia with the help of foreigners’ bayonets. He called for close monitoring of events in Soviet Russia and for distinguishing between those developments there that were incompatible with the historical path of our homeland, and those that were the fruit of the people’s own labors. “It is not necessary to destroy institutions that have evolved organically,” he once said. “It is necessary to reject only those that corrupt the human soul.” 

My father, Grand Duke Wladimir Kirillovich, thought the same way. While a consistent critic of the atheistic ideology and totalitarian form of government of the Communist regime, he at the same time saw the citizens of the USSR as brothers and sisters. He praised their courage and self-sacrifice and he lauded their achievements in science and culture.

The defense of the country against enslavement during the Second World War; the launching of the first man in space, Yuri Gagarin; the important innovations and inventions of Soviet scientists and engineers, the brilliant works of Soviet writers, poets, playwrights, artists, composers, actors, and filmmakers; the triumphs of Soviet athletes—all this was and remains for the Imperial House an enormous source of pride in our country.
When fundamental changes began to come to the USSR in the late 1980s, my father stated: “I always in every way support the constructive and positive aspirations of our countrymen and will resolutely reject all destructive actions, even if they come from those who declare their loyalty to our country’s great past.”
In these last words a clear warning is sounded against those who are committed to revanchism and fanaticism, those who, whilst making insane declarations, pursue their own narrow, clannish interests. 

For those who truly love their country—regardless of their religious, ethnic, social, or political affiliations—atheism, totalitarianism, terroristic methods in government and mass repression, and barbaric assaults on the nation’s historical and cultural legacies can never be acceptable. These things are Evil, in whatever guise or under whatever slogans they may appear.

In post-revolutionary Russia, all this unfortunately took place. But there was also unparalleled heroism and unrivaled energy, and great heights of scientific and artistic achievement.  
Alongside the ruthless and cruel methods of governing the society and economy of the country, which unnecessarily entailed a great number of victims, the history of the USSR also includes positive efforts that addressed and resolved many social and economic problems, efforts that could and should be thought about as we look at the similar problems we face today.

Thus it would in no way be just to try to erase the Soviet era from the history of Russia or to depict it entirely in dark tones.
“White” revanchism, which emerged after the fall of the USSR, is as unacceptable as “Red” revanchism, or any other kind of revanchism. All revanchism produces a “pendulum effect,” inevitably generating a powerful resistance against it and, sooner or later, a backlash. If, in our struggle with one extreme we take the side of the other, we have not made things any better in the end, but have only exacerbated the situation.
The strength and well-being of the people are inconceivable without inner peace and solidarity, and peace and solidarity are unattainable without a spirit of mutual forgiveness, patience, and respect.

It is pointless to try to seek peace and create unity on the basis of a falsified history, by erasing or deliberately distorting the facts. We must not forget the sins and mistakes of our past, so that we may not repeat them. All crimes, no matter who committed them, must be condemned.

But we must also not resort to double standards, forgiving ourselves for doing precisely that for which we brand others. If we find some excuse or other for our actions, then we must apply the same criteria to the actions of our opponents.
It would be wrong to believe that national reconciliation can result from everyone adopting one particular point of view. Unanimity of thought is never a feasible goal anyway, and even the outward appearance of unanimity can be achieved only through force and violence.

True unity comes from compromise precisely between peoples with very different views and principles, and who maintain those views and principles but nonetheless respect the other side and are prepared to work together with them on the basis of the shared foundations of love of the country and conscientious service to it.

It is vitally important to see, first of all, the good, and not the bad, in others, and to find in him, before all else, a friend, not an enemy, paying attention not to those things that separate us, but those things that bring us together.

For our own well-being and for that of future generations, we must not only forgive those who have caused us pain, but also ask them for forgiveness.

Repentence is not a humiliating or demeaning thing, but something that lifts us up and cleanses. But it is unreasonable and sinful to demand repentance from others, proudly seeing ourselves as sinless judges. Only by giving an example ourselves by our own repentance can we show those around us the salvific meaning of true repentence.

If we all at least tried to act in accordance with this attitude toward life, Russia would not only overcome the sad consequences of the upheavals of the 20th century, but would surely acquire new strength and vigour, and would flourish again in all its spiritual, political, and cultural greatness.

Today, with the blessing of His Holiness Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Russia, commemoration services are being held for all the victims of the troubles that have befallen our country. For those who fell in battle, regardless of what side of the front they fell on. For those who were tortured and executed in prisons. For those who died because of unbearable living conditions, forced on them by ruthless social experiments. For those who died in exile, far away from their homeland.

Among them were people on the Left and on the Right, people of all religions, nationalities, classes, and estates. There were ardent resisters to the government and fierce and convinced supporters of it. The majority were good, honest, and sincere people, striving for Truth, though they understood Truth differently and sometimes, to be sure, had very incompatible positions. I like to believe that their striving for Truth in and of itself, and the suffering that they all endured, opened for them, even in their last moments of life, the light of Truth, reconciled them with History, and opened to them Eternal Life before the face of God.

Remembering them all together, praying for the remission of their sins, voluntary and involuntary, we will be better able to relate dispassionately to the past and more deeply feel that which draws us together in the present.

Let us be guided by the immortal words of the Holy Royal Passion-Bearer Emperor Nicholas II, which were conveyed by his daughter, the Holy Royal Passion-Bearer Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna, not long before his execution: “Evil will not defeat Evil. Only Love will defeat Evil.”

I and my son and heir, Grand Duke George of Russia, ask you all to accept our wishes for health, long life, family happiness, zeal in serving our country, strength in all your endeavors, prosperity, success in upholding our laws, and, most importantly, faith, hope, love, and peace of spirit, to you and emanating from you, to all that surrounds you.

God bless you! 

(The original is signed by Her Imperial Highness’s own hand:)


Madrid, October 22/November 4, 2017
Feast Day of the Kazan Icon of the Mother of God
Day of National Unity

в связи со 100-летием Революции 1917 года


Дорогие Соотечественники!

Завершается год 100-летия Революции 1917 года.

По мере приближения к этой дате всё активнее становилось обсуждение драматических событий вековой давности. В 2017 году дискуссия о Революции и её плодах приобрела особенно острый характер. Наряду со стремлением дать правдивую и справедливую оценку тому, что произошло с Россией в ХХ веке, иногда, к сожалению, имеют место попытки разбередить старые раны и вновь посеять в нашем народе семена противостояния.

Осмысление любого исторического этапа должно основываться не на той или иной партийной идеологии, а на системе духовных и нравственных ценностей, созданной за всё время существования всероссийской цивилизации. Если же мы искренно желаем понять причины и следствия внутренних смут и кровопролитных схваток, нам тем более необходимо сделать над собой усилие и стать выше позиции одной из сторон конфликта.

Российский Императорский Дом, по милости Божией, не участвовал в братоубийственной Гражданской войне. Но он несёт свою долю вины за то, что в России свершилась Революция. И ему пришлось пройти через искупительные страдания, постигшие миллионы соотечественников. Для св. Императора Николая II Страстотерпца, его семьи и других членов династии, оставшихся в России, это была мученическая смерть. А для тех, кто оказался за рубежом — горечь разлуки с Родиной, боль за погибших и пропавших без вести родных и друзей, нужда.

Таким образом, нашей династии есть, за что каяться, и, в то же время, есть, в чём видеть жестокость и несправедливость по отношению к себе и к дорогим нам людям.

Но я, не желая ни в коем случае, даже невольно, оказаться в числе тех, кто, продолжает раздувать угли Гражданской войны, решила обратиться к вам с посланием, посвящённым 100-летию Революции, не в тот или иной день, связанный со вспышками насилия и трагедиями смутной поры, память о которых омрачает сознание, а 4 ноября, когда все граждане России отмечают День Народного Единства. Когда миллионы православных верующих возносят молитвы Божией Матери в связи с празднованием, посвященным Её Казанской чудотворной иконе. Когда мы вспоминаем славные и объединяющие события великой российской истории — победу Ополчения К. Минина и князя Д. Пожарского в 1612 году и принятие Императорского титула Петром I Великим в 1721 году.

В этот светлый праздник, посвященный миру и согласию, я хочу поделиться с вами мыслями, которые идут не только от ума, но, прежде всего, от моего сердца.

Прошлое невозможно изменить. Но в наших силах извлечь уроки из ошибок и сделать всё, от нас зависящее, чтобы наш народ никогда впредь не оказался разделенным на непримиримые противоборствующие части.

В первую очередь мы все, независимо от существующих различий во взглядах, должны признать, что Революция — это общая беда. Была ли у неё альтернатива или нет, кто в большей степени несёт за неё ответственность, за счет чего одна сторона одолела другую, каково соотношение бедствий и достижений в послереволюционный период — это вопросы для нескончаемой полемики. Но невозможно считать благом, когда дети убивают родителей, а родители — детей, когда истребляют друг друга братья и сестры.

У Революции были причины политического, социального и экономического характера. Однако главной причиной явился глубокий духовный кризис. В те времена наш народ и значительная часть человечества переживали разочарование во всей традиционной системе ценностей — не только в монархии, но и в религии, и в семье, и во многих других устоях.

Исторический государственный строй России сокрушился не потому, что у него были сильные противники (хотя и это имело место), но в большей степени по причине того, что у него оказались маловерные и разобщенные защитники.

Если весь народ един и сплочён, а его лидеры имеют твёрдые принципы и действуют ради общего блага, никакие внутренние разрушители и внешние конкуренты не способны поколебать стабильность государства.

Следует признать, что элита Российской империи не смогла в тот момент найти удовлетворительный ответ на стремление нации к обновлению. Революция, к сожалению, была отнюдь не случайностью, вызванной каким-то сиюминутным стечением обстоятельств, а неизбежной катастрофой, случившейся вследствие совокупности исторических причин, накопившихся за долгие годы.

Развитие революционного процесса в России, при всех национальных особенностях, проходило закономерные стадии. Оппозиционеры и умеренные революционеры, отстранившие от власти Императора в феврале 1917 года, не могли удержать бразды правления. Они ввергли страну в хаос, и им на смену в октябре пришла наиболее радикальная революционная партия, обещавшая народу воплотить все его чаяния и приступившая к грандиозному эксперименту по установлению принципиально нового мироустройства.

Этот эксперимент был основан на утопической идее об абсолютно справедливом обществе всеобщего благоденствия, некоем «земном рае». Сколь бы ни были внешне красивыми и привлекательными такого рода идеи, они фантастичны. И попытки их осуществления на практике всегда оборачиваются несчастьями.

Так произошло и в России. Надежды на мировую революцию не сбылись, и построение коммунизма в отдельно взятой стране также не удалось. Коммунистическому режиму пришлось действовать в тех реалиях, которые определялись жизнью, а не кабинетными философиями и партийными теориями.

В Советской эпохе мы наблюдаем две основных составляющих: господство тоталитарной материалистической идеологии и решение задач, присущих любому государству. Эти компоненты в их диалектической связи и противоречиях определяли бытие нашей Родины на протяжении свыше семи десятков лет.

С одной стороны, партийная догма и осуществление управления государством в СССР переплелись в сложнейшие узлы, и разделить их невозможно. Но с другой стороны, это всё равно были два разных вектора — один искусственный и насаждаемый сверху, а другой органичный и происходящий из жизненных потребностей народа.

Различение этих векторов неизменно присутствовало в сознании Глав нашего Дома в изгнании.

Мой дед Государь Кирилл Владимирович еще в 1922 году начал формулировать концепцию национального примирения, основанную на преодолении красно-белого антагонизма. Обращаясь к непосредственным участникам Гражданской войны с обеих сторон, он убеждал их: «Нет двух Русских армий! Имеется по обе стороны рубежа Российского единая Русская Армия, беззаветно преданная России, ее вековым устоям, ее исконным целям. Она спасет нашу многострадальную Родину».

Государь категорически отвергал идею Белого реванша, резко осуждал намерения ряда лидеров эмиграции вернуться в Россию, опираясь на иностранные штыки, призывал внимательно следить за происходящим в Советской России и научиться отделять то, что несовместимо с историческим путем нашей Родины, от плодов народного труда. «Не нужно уничтожать никаких учреждений, жизнью вызванных, — говорил он, — но необходимо отвернуться от тех из них, которые оскверняют душу человеческую».

Таких же убеждений придерживался мой отец Государь Владимир Кириллович. Будучи последовательным критиком атеистической идеологии и тоталитарной практики коммунистического режима, он видел в гражданах СССР братьев и сестёр, восхищался их мужеством и самоотверженными усилиями, радовался успехам в сфере науки и культуры.

Защита страны от порабощения в годы Великой Отечественной войны 1941-1945 гг., полёт в Космос Юрия Гагарина, выдающиеся изобретения советских ученых и инженеров, яркие произведения советских писателей, поэтов, драматургов, художников, композиторов, театральных деятелей и кинематографистов, триумфы советских спортсменов были и остаются для Императорского Дома предметом гордости за свою Родину.

Когда в СССР во второй половине 1980-х годов начали происходить кардинальные перемены, мой отец заявил: «Я всегда буду всячески способствовать всем созидательным стремлениям наших соотечественников и решительно отвергать все разрушительные выступления, даже если они исходят от людей, заявляющих о своей верности нашему великому прошлому».

В последних словах звучит предостережение тем, кто привержен реваншизму и фанатизму, тем, кто прикрываясь пафосными декларациями преследует политиканские узко-клановые интересы.

Для людей, истинно любящих Родину, независимо от их религиозной, национальной, социальной и партийной принадлежности, не могут быть приемлемыми богоборчество, тоталитаризм, террористические методы управления и массовые репрессии, варварство в отношении историко-культурного наследия. Эти явления суть Зло, в каком бы обличии и под какими бы лозунгами они ни существовали.

В послереволюционной России всё это, к сожалению, имело место. Но были и беспримерный героизм, и непревзойденный трудовой энтузиазм, и высокий полёт научной и творческой мысли. Наряду с безжалостными и жестокими методами управления обществом и хозяйством страны, повлекшими неоправданно большое количество жертв, в истории СССР имеется и положительный опыт решения социально-экономических проблем, который может и должен быть востребован.

Посему ни в коем случае недопустимо пытаться вычеркнуть Советскую эпоху из истории России или изображать её исключительно в чёрных тонах.

«Белый» реванш, иллюзия которого появилась после распада СССР, столь же неприемлем, сколь и «красный» реванш, и какой бы ни было иной. Любой реваншизм порождает «эффект маятника», неизбежно вызывает мощное сопротивление и обязательно, рано или поздно, обратную реакцию. Если в борьбе с одними крайностями впадать в противоположные, мы не исправим, а лишь усугубим положение.

Сила народа немыслима без внутреннего мира и солидарности, а мир и солидарность достижимы только в духе взаимных прощения, терпения и уважения.

Неверно добиваться примирения и созидать единство на фальсификациях истории, на замалчивании или сознательном искажении фактов. Грехи и ошибки нельзя забывать, чтобы не повторить их вновь. Все преступления, кем бы они ни были совершены, необходимо осудить.

Но наряду с этим совершенно недопустимо прибегать к двойным стандартам и прощать себе то, за что мы тут же сурово клеймим других. Если мы находим те или иные оправдания своим действиям, то обязаны применить те же критерии и к нашим оппонентам.

Неправильно видеть общенациональное согласие в признании всеми какой-то одной точки зрения. Приведение всех к единомыслию неосуществимо, и даже видимость такого состояния достижима лишь путем насилия.

Подлинное единение зиждется на компромиссе именно между людьми с разными взглядами, которые не отрекаются от своих принципов и приоритетов, но уважают оппонентов и готовы сотрудничать с ними на общей основе любви к своей Родине и добросовестного служения ей.

Жизненно важно уметь видеть, прежде всего, хорошее, а не плохое, находить, прежде всего, не врагов, а друзей, обращать внимание не на то, что разделяет, а на то, что роднит нас друг с другом.

Ради собственного блага и ради будущих поколений мы должны не только прощать тех, кто причинил нам боль, но и просить прощения.

Покаяние — не унизительное, а возвышающее и очищающее состояние. Однако неразумно и греховно требовать покаяния от других, горделиво воображая себя безгрешными судьями. Только подавая пример собственным покаянием мы сможем показать окружающим его спасительный смысл.

Если все мы будем хотя бы стараться поступать в соответствии с этими жизненными установками, Россия не только преодолеет печальные последствия потрясений ХХ века, но обязательно обретет новые силы и воспрянет во всем своем духовном, государственном и культурном величии.

Сегодня по благословению Святейшего Патриарха Московского и всея Руси Кирилла в храмах Русской Православной Церкви совершаются заупокойные богослужения по всем жертвам смут в нашем Отечестве. По павшим в боях, на чьей бы стороне они ни находились. По казненным и замученным в заключении. По умершим от невыносимых жизненных условий, порожденных беспощадным социальным экспериментированием. По скончавшимся в изгнании вдали от Родины.

Среди них были люди левых и правых убеждений, представители всех религий, национальностей, классов и сословий. Были пламенные борцы с властью и её убежденные сторонники. Большинство было хорошими честными искренними людьми, стремившимися к Правде, хотя и понимавшими её по разному, иногда, увы, с противоположных позиций. Хочется верить, что само по себе это стремление и перенесённые ими страдания хотя бы в последние мгновения приоткрыли для них свет Истины, примирили их в Истории и в Жизни Вечной перед лицом Божиим.

Поминая их вместе, молясь о прощении их вольных и невольных прегрешений, мы более спокойно отнесемся к прошлому и глубже ощутим то, что сближает нас в настоящем.

Да будут нам руководством бессмертные слова св. Императора Николая II Страстотерпца, переданные им незадолго перед казнью через св. Великую Княжну Ольгу Николаевну: «Не зло победит Зло, а только Любовь».

Я и мой сын и наследник Великий Князь Георгий Михайлович просим вас принять наши пожелания здоровья, многолетия, семейного счастья, целеустремленности в служении Отечеству, крепких сил в работе, материального благополучия, успехов в отстаивании своих законных прав и, самое главное, веры, надежды, любви и мира в душе, распространяемых на всё, что окружает вас.

Храни вас Господь!

На подлинном собственною Ее Императорского Высочества рукою подписано:


Дано в Мадриде, 22 октября/4 ноября 2017 года
в Праздник Казанской иконы Божией Матери
и День Народного Единства