.A new feature of Russian Legitimist will be book reviews of works of history on the Romanoff family. The newest addition to the world of Romanoff memoirs is that of the daughter of H.H. Prince Andrei of Russia, Olga Andreievna Romanoff. Click here for the review.
"The Economist" notes rising issue of Monarchism in Russia
"Arcane arguments about Russia's sovereigns could go mainstream: The last of the White Russians wonder who should be tsar" is an interesting new piece in "The Economist" that discusses the rising tide of the question of Monarchism in Russia, and what role it plays in today's society. The piece kindly references "Russian Legitimist" with a link.
The piece notes the fact that HIH Grand Duchess Maria is the only candidate acknowledged by the Russian Orthodox Church, and that she may one day take a "semi-official" role in Russian public life.
It also points out a fundamental conflict in today's Russia; "Is it possible for a state which venerates the relics of the Romanovs to devote space in a mausoleum to Vladimir Lenin, the one who saw them slaughtered?"
Read the full piece HERE.
Interview with H.I.H. Grand Duke and Tsesarevich George in "Vanity Fair."
An interview with H.I.H. the Grand Duke George of Russia in Vanity Fair. English translation used is the official RIUO translation.
Will there be any special events in Russia marking the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution?
Yes. Starting even last year, there have been a number of events marking this sad and grim anniversary. These include commemorative services, academic conferences, and other events organized by political figures and civic groups of various kinds.
My mother and I, or our representatives, are taking part only in those events that call upon our nation to look at the events of the past century objectively and comprehensively, and which serve the cause of national reconciliation.
The Imperial House is neither “Red” nor “White.” We strive to demonstrate to all our countrymen that the Revolution and Civil War were a kind of disease. And the responsibility for the spreading of that disease lies in us all. Not only the Bolsheviks are responsible for the tragedies of the 20th century, nor only the revolutionaries of other persuasions, but also the ruling classes, and our dynasty itself. We do not deny our share of the blame.
The crimes of all those involved must never be forgotten or justified, so that we may never repeat them. Butwecannot undowhathasbeendone. And those who seek revenge for what has been done—whether they be “Reds” or “Whites”—are profoundly wrong. By seeking revenge, these people, wittingly or unwittingly, are only fanning the cooled embers of the Civil War.
The Imperial House calls upon us all not only to forgive others, but to ask others to forgive us for our own sins and mistakes. Cleansed by this mutual repentence, we can work together for a better Russia today and tomorrow.
We attach particular importance to memorial services for all victims of the Civil War, where the descendants of both “Reds” and “Whites” gather together. That tradition began several years ago, and my mother, Grand Duchess Maria of Russia, and the Orthodox Church enthusiastically supported that undertaking. In his message of November 4, 2009, to the first such memorial service, in the Church of the Sign of the Mother of God on Romanov pereulokin Moscow, my mother wrote:
“The main lesson of the last tragic century for us should be a clear awareness of the fact that godlessness and inhumane evil, mutual extermination, hatred or falsehood can never be justified in the pursuit of a goal, no matter how desirable that goal may seem to be. Every side in the great Troubles of the twentieth century had its own truth and its own falsehood, its own ideals and its own selfish interests, its own heroes and its own villains. But, at the end of the day, everyone suffered from the Revolution: both those who lost and those who won. Yesterday’s executioners became the tomorrow’s victims, and many of those who survived and seemed even to find themselves in positions of power and privilege, nonetheless turned out to be defective spiritually and morally. We should forget nothing about this time, so that we do not repeat these mistakes. We should strive to make right the evil that was done. But we should also have the capacity to forgive and to ask forgiveness. For the sake of future generations, we must learn first and foremost to find in the past and in the present not those things that have divided us, but those things that can unite us, each and every one of us.”
With which of your ancestors do you most identify, or, put better, who is your favorite Romanoff?
My favorites are Emperors Peter I the Great and Alexander III the Peacemaker. In Peter I, I admire most the energy and selfless dedication; in Alexander III, the confidence and dignified manner, and his ability to create an effective team of statesmen and to motivate them to achieve things for the good of the country.
Do you plan to move back to Russia at any point in the near future?
Returning to Russia to live permanently has always been and remains our deepest desire. Our Russian citizenship was restored in 1992. The process of reintegrating the Imperial House into the social life of Russia has been progressing steadily since then. We have visited almost every region of Russia and many independent states that formerly belonged to the Russian Empire. Right now, we live abroad, but we visit Russia more and more frequently and we’re certain that soon I will able to say the opposite: that we live in Russia but frequently visit other countries.
Political pundits and analysts frequently compare Putin with a tsar. What do you think about that comparison?
The comparison of a strong political leader with a tsar is made often enough for it now to be a common “figure of speech.” In France, for example, they called General Charles de Gaulle a “monarch.” If anyone thinks that such comparisons annoy or anger the members of historical ruling dynasties, they’d be very mistaken.
A monarchy, in the form that it took at its highest stage of historical development, is pointless without the notions of dynasty and legitimate succession. And a republic is pointless without elections for its leader.
Attempting to mix these two forms of government would be a doomed experiment.
President Vladimir Putin is an experienced statesman. He was elected President of a democratic republic in a national election, and he has never even hinted at wanting to engage in any sort of Bonapartist adventures. Nor could any other sensible politician seriously think such a thing. Such ideas dwell only in the realm of demagogues and crackpots.
What was the purpose of your first visit to Russia?
The first time I came to Russia was with my mother and grandmother, and it was to attend the funeral of my grandfather, Grand Duke Wladimir Kirillovich. His funeral was officiated by Patriarch Alexis II, and afterward he was buried in our family mausoleum in the Cathedral of Ss. Peter and Paul in St. Petersburg.
The death of my grandfather was for my family an enormous sorrow. But our fellow countrymen helped us get through this moment by surrounding us with love and sympathy. I was only 11 years old then, but I already could understand and feel that, despite the decades of anti-religious and anti-monarchist propaganda, love for our history, kindness, and generosity had not died out among our people.
I learned more and more about our country in my subsequent visits to Russia, and I have striven to understand my fellow countrymen and their needs and problems ever since. I know that I now have many good and reliable friends in many corners of Russia. I communicate with some quite often, and with others only from time to time. But that atmosphere of love and mutual respect, which we encountered back in 1992, is alive and well, and only getting stronger.
The history of your family attracts a lot of interest in the press and in TV and film. The creators of the TV show Mad Men are creating a series on the Romanoffs today, and the film about the ballerina Mathilda Kshesinska has generated a lot of discussion. What do you think about all this attention that the family is getting?
I think that there isn’t an imperial or royal dynasty in history that hasn’t attracted enormous popular interest. Some ridicule those dynasties, others praise them, and some do both at the same time. But hardly anyone is entirely neutral on the subject. So the interest we are seeing in the House of Romanoff is entirely natural.
As for TV shows or movies about the modern lives of members of the Imperial House and our relatives, I can say that they are often rather trite and superficial. Their makers rarely engage in the kind of research into the historical, conceptual, or legal issues related to their subject matter, and seem only concerned with attracting viewers. Of course, it would be wrong to expect of these films a kind of scholarly treatment. But to ignore fully even the most basic information about the history and internal institutions of the dynasty would also be wrong.
Of course, there are scandalous and libelous films that employ the methods of the Nazi propagandist Josef Goebbels: “the more ridiculous and monstrous the lie, the easier it will be believed.” But we are confident that this method has already been discredited, and the majority of people in our day have access to information and so are able to distinguish truth from falsehood.
The film about the relationship between Emperor Nicholas II (when he was still heir to the throne) and the ballerina Mathilda Kshessinska has still not been shown in theatres. But we know enough from the trailers and advertisements to make a reasonably fair assessment of it. It is already clear that the portrayals of Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, and other characters areutterly unhistorical and untrue, and completely out of line with all we know about these peopleas historical figures.
Even the fiercest enemies and sharpest critics of Emperor Nicholas II recognized that he was an exemplary husband and father, and a very calm and controlled man with a measured temperament. The trailer for the film portrays a weak and will-less man, who is confused in his feelings and in his relationships with women.
It’s not surprising that many people are shocked by this film, all the more so, of course, because Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and their children were canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church as passion-bearers.
Still, attempts to prohibit this film, in our view, are senseless because it only creates more publicity for the film than there would otherwise be. The only effective weapon against falsehood is the truth, not prohibitions.
We are very grateful to the hierarchs of our Church—Metropolitan Hilarion of Volokolamsk and Bishop Tikhon of Yegorievsk, who, by the way, read the entire screenplay and have seen the current full version of the of the film—for their very wise and measured words on this matter. According to these representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church, it is pointless to prohibit this film, but it is quite appropriate to point out its many historical defects.
We should also note that Metropolitan Hilarion is a talented and accomplished composer, who was trained at the Moscow State Conservatory, and Bishop Tikhon, before taking Holy Orders, had graduated from the Department of Screenwriting at the Gerasimov Institute of Cinematography. So both hierarchs are familiar at a very high level with the questions of secular culture and history, and are both very modern and educated people. No one could accuse them of being obscurantists with narrow views on life.
Every author has the right to his own interpretation, to artistic license. But we likewise have the right to expect that this artistic license does not turn into a hurtful and insulting lie.
The Fall of the Romanoff dynasty remains, 100 years later, shrouded in mystery. What do you think really happened?
Of course, I think we need to continue to study all aspects of the events that took place 100 years ago. But I don’t see any sensational secrets here. Such things were thought up by those who wished to attract attention to themselves. Sometimes these sensational speculations embellishedor distorted the tragic suffering of all our people, not just the Imperial family.
In February 1917, as a result of a conspiracy among some of Russia’s elite, Emperor Nicholas II was forced to abdicate the throne. He did this hoping to avoid a Civil War breaking out in Russia, which was already immersed in the First World War. Unfortunately, this sacrifice of his did not bring calm to the nation. The moderate revolutionaries of February quickly lost control of the situation and were replaced by the more radical revolutionaries of October—the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks established a totalitarian, terroristic regime, which persecuted the Church and other religions, and attempted to construct a fundamentally new society based on atheism and materialism. The Imperial Family remained the symbol of the nation’s old traditional values and therefore their tragic fate was a foregone conclusion. All members of the family of Emperor Nicholas II—the Empress, Tsesarevich Aleksei, and the Grand Duchesses Olga, Tatiana, Maria, and Anastasia, as well as their faithful servants—were shot in Ekaterinburg on July 17, 1918. Other members of our House who had not already fled Russia were also executed. The only ones to survive were those who in one way or another managed to escape.
After the execution in 1918 of the entire male line of descent from Emperor Alexander III, the legal Head of the Imperial House of Russia became my great-grandfather, Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich, the next most senior grandson of Alexander II, the Tsar-Liberator. In 1924, having become completely convinced that all of the more senior members of the dynasty had been executed, he adopted the title of Emperor-in-Exile. Through him continues the Romanoff dynasty as a historical institution, preserving continuity in Russian history and the ideal of the State-Family, which is the very essence of hereditary monarchy.
What books would you recommend to me to read to understand more deeply the history of the Romanoffs?
On the history of Russia during the first centuries of the rule of our House, I would recommend the appropriate volumes of the classic work by Sergei Soloviev, A History of Russia from Ancient Times. For a description of the separate reigns of Romanoff rulers, I would recommend the books by Nikolai Schilder. The best book on Nicholas II is probably the book by Sergei Oldenburg, Nicholas II: His Reign and His Russia.
To those who want to peer more deeply into the history of our House in all its facets and features I would recommend reading historical sources—diaries, letters, and memoirs. These are being published now in very good academic editions, often with commentary by specialists. Of course, even in primary sources like these one can still find contradictory and unreliable information. Historians need to examine all these sources, comparing and analyzing them all systematically and digging into them as best they can for the truth. But sources produced at the time of the events they describe, or at least written by those who were eyewitnesses or participants in these events, convey the spirit of the age and allow one to grasp better the times and events, even if not all the information in them is absolutely historically accurate.
You got your professional start in life working with Ana and Loyola de Palacio. What lasting lessons do you take from your time working with them? What is the typical day like for a lobbyist?
The most important lesson that I learned not only at the beginning of my career working with Ana and Loyola de Palacio, but even growing upin my family, was how to be responsible and dutiful in all the things I do. Otherwise, there is no point in doing anything in the first place.
I also learned how important it is to show respect for others, not only my bosses, so to speak, but those below me in the workplace.
And I learn one more important rule: that encouraging in others a conscientious and dutiful attitude toward work can only be achieved by example. If you want others to be and act a certain way, but you don’t act that way yourself, you’ll never achieve any good results.
What parallels do you think exist between Russia in the time of the Romanoffs and Russia today?
Russia is always Russia. Even in the Communist era, under the multiple layers of all that ideology, the party dictatorship, and the destruction of a large part of our traditional values, my homeland continued to live on the basis of itsnative spiritual values. Today we have become witnesses of a genuine miracle of the Transfiguration: the revival of faith in God, the restoration of our holy places and historical monuments, and the desire to strengthen the correction between our times and the pre-revolutionary past. And in all this no one is blotting out the Soviet period. It, too, had many bright and heroic moments.
The Imperial House participates in all things that contribute to the affirmation of the unity of Russian history and its continuity across the generations. We must take the best from every era of our history, even while we try to learn from our mistakes and strive to avoid repeating them.
You often like to say that you don’t want to involve yourself in politics. Why don’t you?
We do not take part in any form of political activity for reasons of principle. The idea of a monarchy is by nature beyond party politics. Monarchy should not dividethe people nor set itself up in oppositionto one or another part of the nation, but should unite it.
Therefore we firmly hold to our monarchist ideals and principles, but we do not force them on others. We speak openly and often about what in our view are the advantages of monarchy. This is a right guaranteed to us by Article 13 of the Constitution of Russia, which provides for freedom of speech and thought. We are open to dialogue with all our countrymen, regardless of whether they are on the political left or on the political right. But we never support any political parties and we do not allow our name to be used in political battles.
In modern times, and particularly at this moment, the main role of monarchy is to serve as an arbiter. This role requires and assumes a neutral position vis-à-vis all parties and groups, just as it requires and assumes a closeness to all the peoples of the nation and an abiding desire to meet their needs. This is true not only for monarchs who reign, but also for the Head of dynasties who don’t.
If we understand the word “politics” not as involvement in political activities, but rather as the art of governance, then that is something we are prepared to engage in, if that is the will of the people.
But we see a restoration not as some desired fruit, but as an enormous responsibility and burdensome cross. The Romanoffs never, beginning with the first tsar of our dynasty, Mikhail Feodorovich, sought power. When in 1613 an embassy from the Assembly of the Land came to my ancestor Mikhail Romanoff and announced that he had been selected to be the lawful tsar of Russia, he was filled with horror and refused. Then the members of the embassy explained that the throne was not his right but his duty. And he accepted this duty and passed it on to the next generation.
If we are again called by the people to serve, we will likewise accept duty. Butwe will never squander our ancient historical heritage by engaging intoday’s political battles.
Our mission in the modern world is to preserve continuity, traditions, and the historical and cultural heritage of our country; to support the ethnic, religious, and civil peace inside our country; to engage and encourage philanthropy and charity; and to defend and project a positive image of Russia abroad.
What in your view is the Russian Soul, about which so many writers and intellectuals have written?
The Russian soul is the national character of our people. Many people define the term differently. Some emphasize one aspect of it, and others emphasize some other aspect. Some idealize the Russian people, and others attempt to portray them as barbarians. Both, of course, are wrong.
In general, there are no “good” or “bad” peoples in the world. Every nation is good in its ideal form—that is, in itsembodiment of the best qualities that are most dear to each nation. At the same time, each nation has its saints and heroes, its ordinary folk, and its scoundrels and villains. And the Russian nation is no exception to any of this.
However, each nation is, one might say, a kind of collective personality. The totality of these and other ideals, aspirations, and habits of mind all make up the collective character of a nation. And every nation creates its own character.
I will not be saying anything new if I note that when an Englishman wants to describe his country fondly, he uses the term “Merrie Olde England.” The Frenchman will say “la Belle France.” And the Russian will say “Holy Russia.” Which is to say that, for Russians, the first place in their own image of themselves is not beauty or military might, nor even patriotism or the land, but holiness.
At the core of this holiness resides love. And I am profoundly convinced that the unique feature of the Russian soul is the capacity to love deeply, to love sincerely. Sometimes, unfortunately, this capacity for love is reborn as its exact opposite—as hate. And so the Russian man or woman can violently destroy that which he or she once created and once so intensely loved. This happened in the revolutionary era. It is not for nothing that the great Russian poet Alexander Pushkin wrote, “God save us from seeing a Russian revolt, senseless and merciless.”
But what is entirely out of character for a Russian is indifference. Indifference is far more horrible than any errors committed on purpose and out of conviction, for it kills without the possibility of resurrection, it corrodes life at its very core, and it turns people into living corpses. The Russian, having considered his actions and understood his sin, is capable of repenting sincerely, deeply, and of undoing the damage he has done. Therefore our country has more than once been resurrected, like a phoenix out of the ashes, after the most terrible national catastrophes. And so I believe very firmly that even now, despite all its challenges, Russia has a very great and bright future ahead of it.
This interview, in edited form, appeared in Vanity Fair, which can be accessed on line here
Diplomatic World No. 54: New Interview with H.I.H. Gran Duke George of Russia
An excellent new interview with the Heir and Tsesarevich Grand Duke George has been published in the periodical "Diplomatic World." The interview covers such diverse areas as foreign relations between Russia and the West, historical topics, and personal interests of His Imperial Highness.
For a link and to read the interview, click here.
Head of the House of Romanoff and the Tsesarevich mourn the loss of life and injuries in the terrorist attack in Barcelona
2017-08-17. The Head of the House of Romanoff and the Tsesarevich mourn the loss of life and injuries in the terrorist attack in Barcelona
The Head of the Russian Imperial House, H.I.H. The Grand Duchess Maria of Russia, and her son and heir, H.I.H. The Tsesarevich and Grand Duke George of Russia, are profoundly saddened by the loss of life in the terror attack that struck Barcelona today. They pray for the repose of the souls of those who perished and for the quick recovery of those who were injured. Their Imperial Highnesses extend their deepest condolences to the family and friends of all those who lost their lives, to His Majesty King Felipe VI and Queen Letizia, and to all the people of Spain.
There is no justification for terrorism, no matter where it takes place, what form it may take, or what causes it purports to support. In the face of this evil, whatever conflicts in national politics or international relations there may be all fade into the background. All citizens, all governments, and all countries must work together not only to prevent future atrocities like the one today and to bring the guilty to justice, but also to eradicate, decisively and successfully, the very sources that breed this kind of ungodly and inhumane phenomenon of our times.
2017-08-17 Глава Дома Романовых и Цесаревич скорбят в связи с терактом в Барселоне
Глава Российского Императорского Дома Е.И.В. Государыня Великая Княгиня Мария Владимировна и её сын и наследник Е.И.В. Государь Цесаревич и Великий Князь Георгий Михайлович скорбят в связи с террористическим актом в Барселоне, молятся о упокоении убиенных и о выздоровлении раненых и выражают глубокие соболезнования родным и друзьям погибших, Их Величествам Королю Филиппу VI и Королеве Летиции и всему народу Испании.
Терроризм никогда и нигде не может иметь никакого оправдания, в каких бы формах он ни проявлялся и какими бы лозунгами ни прикрывался. Перед лицом этого зла отходят на задний план любые противоречия внутренней политики и международных отношений. Необходимо сотрудничество всех граждан, всех государств и наций, чтобы не только предотвращать готовящиеся злодеяния и выявлять непосредственных исполнителей террористических атак, но беспощадно и эффективно искоренять сами источники этого безбожного и бесчеловечного явления.
Important Social and Political Figure in the Republic of Malta Receives an Imperial Award
2017-08-14. A Long-Time Leading Social and Political Figure in the Republic of Malta Receives an Imperial Award
By a Decree of the Head of the Imperial House of Russia, H.I.H. the Grand Duchess Maria of Russia, one of the oldest social and political figures in the Republic of Malta, Victor Emanuel Ragonesi, J.D., aged 93, was raised to the dignity of knight of the Imperial Order of St. Anna. Dr. Ragonesi was awarded this distinguished honour for his significant contributions to the development of good relations between Russia and Malta, and for his many efforts on behalf of Russian orphan children.
The device of the Imperial Order of St. Anna II Class was presented to Dr. Ragonesi on August 14, 2017, by Hieromonk Nikon (Levachev-Belavenets), advisor to the Chancellery of the Head of the Russian Imperial House for historical and memorial activities. Among those attending the investiture ceremony was the Director of the Malta Branch of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society and the official representative of the Russian Nobility Association in the Republic of Malta, Irina V. Malikova.
Dr. Victor Emanuel Ragonesi was born on September 7, 1924. He was a leading figure in the effort to secure Malta’s independence from Great Britain (1964) and became one of the authors of Malta’s Constitution. He was the First Secretary of Prime Minister George Borg Olivier, and for many years was General Secretary of the ruling Nationalist Party of Malta. As one of the most experienced and respected attorneys on Malta, Dr. Ragonesi regularly appeared in the media in Malta giving legal analyses and commentaries on legal and political questions of the day. Since 1998 he has served as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the International Charity Society (ICS), which enjoys the patronage of the Head of the Imperial House of Russia, H.I.H. the Grand Duchess Maria of Russia. Most recently, he actively helped with preparations for the first visit of the Head of the House of Romanoff to Malta in June 2017.
Dr. Ragonesi has over many years assembled a large private collection of engravings, geographical maps, and literature from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries—all related to Russia. In the first decade of this century, he donated a large part of his collection to the State Historical Museum in Moscow. For this generous act of friendship, he received a personal letter of thanks from President Vladimir Putin.
Romanov Family Association Spokesperson Ivan Artsyshevsky Insults Church, Imperial House
Ivan Artsishevsky, who styles himself "Director of the Romanov Family Association in Russia," granted an interview on 10 July to "Interfax," which was then distributed by various Russian press organizations. In it, Artsishevsky made statements insulting the patriarch and the hierarchy of the Russian Orthodox Church, prompting a quick response from the Chancellery of the Head of the Russian Imperial House.
Artsishevsky, who worked in the Leningrad Department of Goskominturist as the head of the Information Group and head of the Additional Services Group, became associated with the Romanov Family Association in the 1990's and has been their spokesperson and public face in Russia for many years, as none of the RFA members are resident in Russia or visit Russia regularly. He is particularly active since the death of Dimitri Romanovich Romanoff early this year, because none of the active RFA members speaks Russian except for the 94-year-old Andrei Andreievich Romanoff, an American citizen who lives in California. In the interview Artsishevsky stated:
"The patriarch had a meeting in June, during which all the experts present confirmed that the remains are genuine. The church is silent now, and it is difficult to understand why it remains silent."
"If this question is political, I do not understand what the politics are. We are unable to show a film [ed. note; the new film 'Matilda'] because it shows Nicholas II making out [with his mistress], but everyone remains silent about the fact that his children yet lie unburied,."
The complicated theological, historical, and scientific issues concerning these identifications are well known, and the Orthodox Church has been extremely open in their discussions concerning these debates, with frequent announcements by Bishop Tikhon (Shevkunov) and Metropolitan Hilarion (Alfeyev). If impugning the judgements and practice of the Patriarch and the senior hierarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church and the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad were not enough, Artsishevsky additionally chose to attack the Head of the Russian Imperial House, the Grand Duchess Maria of Russia, referring to the Russian Imperial House as an "illegitimate organization":
"The Madrid House of Romanov does not exist, it's an absolutely illegitimate organization. If the Russian Orthodox Church works with an illegitimate organization, it's a problem of the Russian Orthodox Church. The whole world recognizes the real Romanovs [presumably, The Romanov Family Association], and the Church decides its own way. But as an Orthodox Christian, I can distinguish between the Church of Christ and a throng of bishops,"
The Russian Imperial House responded with a quick and measured statement, calling for members of the RFA to offer a rebuttal to this senseless criticism of the Church and unfounded attack against their relative:
The Chancellery of the Imperial House of Russia was, however, puzzled and perplexed to learn from reports in the media that a representative of “The Romanov Family Association,” Mr. I. Artsishevsky, had issued a statement on behalf of the “Romanov family” that called into question the position of the Russian Orthodox Church.
Earlier, the Chancellery of the Imperial House of Russia had expressed the hope that the anti-Church pronouncements from Mr. Artsishevsky on behalf of this organization would cease, especially after the meeting between the Acting President of the “Romanov Family Association,” Mr. Dmitry R. Romanov, and His Holiness Patriarch Kirill, which took place before Mr. Romanov’s death on December 31, 2016. Unfortunately, the pronouncements have not ceased.
As for the recent highly political and anti-Church statements issued by Mr. Artsishevsky, it remains to be seen if the “Romanov Family Association” (of which Mr. Artsishevsky claims to be a representative) will issue a rebuttal. But if no rebuttal is issued, and if Mr. Artsishevsky remains in his position as an official representative of the organization, then we must conclude that the “Romanov Family Association” is endorsing this anti-Church position and so must bear full responsibility for the words and actions of those who have joined themselves to campaigns against the Russian Orthodox Church.
In any event, neither statements like those from Mr. Artsishevsky nor the private opinions of some descendants of members of the Romanoff dynasty in any way reflect the views of the Russian Imperial House of Romanoff.
It is impossible to reconcile Artsishevsky's harsh words and slanderous accusations with the non-political, kind, and conciliatory remarks made recently by H.S.H. Prince Dmitri Pavlovich Romanoff Ilyinsky at the annual ball associated with the Russian Nobility Association in America. It would appear that Artsishevsky has either overstepped his authority as a representative, or that the Romanov Family Association is divided between those who seek peace, and those who choose to keep old and irrelevant grudges alive.
It appears that Artsishevsky delights in any controversy or conflict that enhances his individual importance and therefore seeks vulgar publicity of any kind -- even if that publicity brings embarrassment and criticism to those he claims to serve with honor. As Artsishevsky is both an employee of the Romanov Family Association as well as the head of a for-profit "Etiquette School" in Saint Petersburg, one might think he would behave in a more dignified manner.
Restoring the Romanovs: An Interview with the Chancellor of the Russian Imperial House
Rachel Bailes with Alexander N. Zakatov, Head of the Chancellery of the Russian Imperial House.
An Interview from May 2017 featured in "The Spectator" with Alexander Zakatov, Head of the Chancellery of the Russian Imperial House by author Rachel Bailes. All copyright belongs to The Spectator. A link to the original article is HERE
Restoring the Romanovs
By Rachel Bailes, "The Spectator" May 6, 2017
Since 1992, Maria Vladimirovna, Grand Duchess of Russia, has been Head of the Russian Imperial Family. She is the person who would probably be Tsarina had the monarchy not come to a bloody end in 1917. Alexander Zakatov is the Head of the Chancellery of the Russian Imperial House, the Grand Duchess’ Office. I am meeting with him in Moscow as a representative of the Australian Monarchist League to learn what is next for the Romanov dynasty in 2017, one hundred years after the revolution.
Once we’ve sat down in the grand Metropol hotel, Zakatov tells me he descends from a long line of clergymen. Although that line was broken with the Soviets, ‘religion was retained in my family, as was respect for the monarchy’.
Growing up, Zakatov never liked the reality Communist society presented under the USSR, whereby the country’s 300-year long Romanov history was only ever referenced sarcastically or in hushed tones. ‘In my family, there was a book… with portraits of the last royal family inside. My father would tell me the story of the family… and the tragedy which followed. I felt sympathy for them. They were lifelike characters for me.’
As he grew older, Zakatov discovered the Romanovs’ story had not ended with this event − there were royal heirs in exile all over the world. ‘I learned that there can be something else in history.’
The sense that that which made previous ages great can be restored is strong in some former monarchies that have gone through tumultuous social change. From the 1930s pro-Bourbon Carlism in Spain (which saw the Bourbons restored as a constitutional monarchy in 1978), Bavarian monarchist movements, and the Action Française, which last year celebrated its 117th birthday, calls for the restoration of deposed monarchies in the 20th century have been small but sustained.
For Russia, it took the period of glasnost and perestroika in the 1980s before formal monarchist associations could be established.
Then 14, Zakatov seized the chance to join the ranks. In November 1991, then Head of the Imperial House, Grand Duke Vladimir Kirillovich, was invited to Saint Petersburg by Mayor Anatoly Sobchak for the celebrations of the return of the city to its historical name. Zakatov was there. ‘It was a huge impression for me to see the Tsar alive.’ At age 74, it was the first and last time the Grand Duke laid eyes on his own country.
He died months later and his body returned to Russia to be buried in Saints Peter and Paul Cathedral. Zakatov remembers ‘The square was filled with people: ordinary people. They wanted to see him’.After the burial, Zakatov met the Grand Duchess in Moscow as a 20-year old working in the University of Moscow archives. He asked if he might be of assistance in her own archives. That work led to his official appointment five years later.
The 25 years she has been at the helm have not been without questions from certain quarters. Because of strict rules concerning morganatic (socially ‘mismatched’) marriages, some question the parentage of her mother, Princess Leonida Bagration, who claimed to be descended patrilineally from former Kings of Georgia and Polish aristocracy. They claim Prince Andrew Andreevich Romanov, who is 94 and lives in London, is the rightful Head.
In 2016, a Saint Petersburg lawmaker wrote to both the Grand Duchess and then claimant, Dimitri Romanov, urging them both to return to Russia as soon as possible. ‘There should be only one heir,’ says Zakatov. ‘The law of succession says there cannot be two at the same time. The Imperial House has many relatives, and they are all accorded the same respect, but they cannot be considered to take the throne.’
Such overtures from government members are rare. So how would Zakatov describe the relationship between traditional monarchists and the federal government? ‘Well, there is improvement in that we are not being exiled or executed anymore. A great success!’ He grins. But what of the Imperial House’s relationship with Putin’s administration? ‘It can be described as politely neutral. They do not help, but they do not hinder.’
I am interested to know what relationship Zakatov sees between Putin’s leadership style and the ‘one strong man’ model many attribute to the Russian zeitgeist. What room could there be for new authority figures in a dualistic constitutional monarchy if the people already have their ‘ruler’ in the form of a politician? ‘Every country needs a strong ruler; a strong government. But that is any country − not only Russia.’
When I suggest Russians may not warm to the idea of a dualistic leadership split between a symbolic monarch and a counterbalanced politician, Zakatov reminds me that ‘in the Russian empire, there were elected governments in regions that were really successful − even more useful than the government of today.’
Zakatov is quick to assert they are not seeking the restoration of the monarchy. ‘The people do not accept it.’
He is right: a 2013 All-Russian Center for Public Opinion poll found just 28 per cent of Russians favour a return to Tsarist rule. Surprisingly, almost half of that number believe a future Tsar could be a current politician. ‘It is not possible to go back to the traditional monarchy that existed before 1917. We say the Imperial House should take part in the social life of the country. That’s not a revival of monarchy, it’s just participating in the historical… life of the country. It’s not about political rights, not about privileges, nor restitution of belongings. It is about the historical heritage of the Royal family and formally admitting of this heritage in Russia.’
Zakatov concedes the imperative nature of a popular monarchist spirit, quoting the Grand Duchess: ‘the Imperial House, separated from the idea of monarchism, is like a church without God.’
But he has hope: ‘The idea of monarchism… is related to the social interests of the whole country. It will be alive forever.’
Rachel Bailes is a speech writer and a member of the National Council of the Australian Monarchist League. Again, this piece is full copyright of the author and of "The Spectator" A link to the original article is HERE